Senator Toombs in Boston

Description

This 1856 article discusses a proposed dissertation of Senator Robert Toombs, who was once a student at the University of Georgia, on the consistency of African slavery with the Constitution.

Creator

New York Herald

Publisher

The Southern Banner

Format

.jpg

Language

English

Type

Newspaper

Coverage

1856

Text

From the New York Herald.
Senator Toombs in Boston.
Since the arrival of the Hon. Robert Toombs, of Georgia, in this city, and his becoming the guest of Hon. William Appleton, as might naturally be supposed, there has been considerable conversational excitement among that class who attend lectures, in regard to his proposed dissertation upon slavery, or as the title is properly, the consistency of African slavery with the Constitution of the United States and republican institutions, and the effects of the American Revolution upon the African race.
There have been speculations of all sorts: some as to how he would be received on his first appearance on the platform; some as to the manner in which he would treat the subject-whether he would prove plucky to the Southern or plastery to the Northern predictions; and a great many as to which portion of the community would be most largely represented at the lecture, at the rate of fifty cents per head-the proslavery, the abolitionist, or those who don't care a snap either side, and merely wish to see the Hon. Senator.
All, however, were agreed that the advent of Mr. Toombs, coming as it were, to beard the lion in his den, and that, too, as the said lion's special invitation, was, to use a homely but appropriate word, "funny;" and as there are enough in Boston who like to have fun, no matter of what kind, whether it be in religion, politics, or prize fighting, the result was as might be expected, the Tremont Temple was crowded to excess. Those, however, who went with the expectation of seeing a disturbance, were disappointed, for with but slight exceptions, the dissent from the opinions expressed was manifested by a respectful silence; while throughout the lecture there were many passages which received hearty applause.
At half past seven, Mr. Toombs appeared upon the platform, accompanied by Hon. James Appleton, Nathaniel Appleton, Esq., and some of the committee who have been instrumental in getting up the course of lectures. He was greeted with applause on his entrance, and without any introduction took the stand for the purpose of commencing his remarks. On doing so, a single hiss was heard from the centre of the hall, which was quashed immediately by cheers from all parts. But upon the subsiding of the latter, the same snaky demonstration continued. This, however, was soon silenced by Mr. Toombs himself, who, perfectly at home, remarked that it made no difference with him. People might choose their own means to express their feelings. Good humor prevailed, and the speaker proceeded.
It is possible, (said he,) that the majority of the sentiments advanced on this occasion would be opposed to the honest convictions of most of those present, but he trusted that what might be said would tend in a manner to modify the asperity that now prevails between the North and South. What he had to say would be expressed with all respect and difference to the opinions of others, but with firmness and sincerity. The first portion of his lecture was occupied entirely with the history of the Constitution of the United States, and the consideration of the elements which led to its formation, and the opinions of the men who contributed to its construction. He maintained that this instrument does not contain one single article that tended to prohibit slavery, but that, on the contrary, the institution was protected by it, though of course not prompted especially. The right to hold slaves is left to the people of each State by its provisions, and no one State could dictate to the other what they should do in the matter. History tells us that the Constitution was formed by the consent of thirteen slaveholding colonies, and at the time when the slave trade was practiced as a branch of lawful commerce. There were anti-slavery men in those days as well as now. Mason, of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson, and others equally great, had advocated the abolition of slavery; but it could not be done. It had been forced upon them by England, and emancipation was morally impossible; and underexisting circumstances it was so at the present day. I am not responsible for the Constitution as it stands now protecting slavery. The South is not responsible. It is your fathers-my fathers, the founders of this glorious republic, that are responsible. They made the Constitution as it is, allowing each State to have its own institutions, to hold slaves or not, as they saw fit. And I think they did wisely. If the Constitution is wrong, endeavor by all means to change it. If it conflicts with your views as to religion, politics, justice or morality use your energies toward making it conform to your standard. The speaker asserted that in fact the formation of the constitution increased the number of slaves, and that, too, by the consent of Massachusetts and every voter in New England. This was proved by the provision that the slave trade should exist twenty years from the time of its adoption, until 1801, and that there was an extension to 1808. During the time large numbers of slaves were imported, and a rapid increase was the consequence; and all this, too, brought about by Massachusetts votes, and against the protestations of many Southern anti-slavery advocates. Laws made since then by wise statesman also sustain the views of Mr. Toombs, and allusion was made to the fugitive slave law.
Here there was an interruption by hisses from various parts of the hall, which were taken by the Hon. Senator with the utmost self-possession and coolness. Gentleman, said he, in an impressive manner, you may hiss your Constitution if you wish, but you do not hiss me. Go and put your curses where they belong, if you choose-upon the fathers of your country. We come here to speak of the Constitution, and there are enough here and in the country to protect it. [Loud applause.] The speaker then alluded to the condition of the South in reference to slavery; the influence for good or bad, which that government exerted over all classes, summing up with the remark, that since 1789 no Southern State ever had occasion to call upon an extraordinary power to suppress insurrection. Some Northern States could not say as much. Allusions were then made to the Missouri Compromise. The law had been allowed to exist for years, but the legislation of 1854 was the step by which the Constitution was brought back to its true bearing-the recognition of the rights of all States to legislate for themselves in regard to their own institutions.-Throughout, all the South had acted upon this principle-the true principle of that document, to which every State in the Union is in good faith bound; and it is to be trusted all would soon agree to it.
In commencing on the second portion of his lecture, Senator Toombs remarked that the topic touched upon would be one which there would be less probability of himself and audience agreeing upon than the first, but he could not help that. This was the effect of the Revolution, and the present system of Southern slavery upon the African race. He, without hesitation, pronounced it beneficial. The people of the North draw indirect comparisons in regard to the condition of the negroe in the two sections of the country, both as to the action of the individual in himself, and to the whites, comparisons which, when drawn, have never been sanctioned by reason or justice. You say that all the slaves should be emancipated immediately, and that no harm can be done by the act, to prove which you cite the condition of your free colored population. But how would it be if the million of inhabitants of Massachusetts consisted of five hundred thousand whites? Would your boasted prosperity be as it is now, and would not there be some disposition to look after the interests of the African in a different direction from that at present. Your prosperity as a free State, is not that you are exempt from slavery; it is owing to the absence of the race from your midst. When our country first started, the slaves were not fitted for self-government. They might be or might not in the future. There are no instances in history that will prove that the African race ever took the first step towards self-civilization, but there are multitudes of cases to prove that when once elevated in the human scale-being left to themselves-their tendency was to fall back into barbarism.
The principles of our government are based upon the axiom that democracy is a government of men; republicanism a government of laws. Massachusetts adopted this course at the outset, and so did Georgia. The laws, therefore, must be the governing principle; and negroes were unfit to make laws for themselves, as experience has shown; the Southern whites, having them with them, must make laws for them. The slavery of the African race has been existent with their creation. Other races may have for a time been compelled to bear the yoke, but they only are the ones that have always been subject to masters. So far as the South is concerned, the slavery institution has made them happy. So far as the freedom of the North is concerned, it has made them degraded.
The former and present condition of Hayti and Jamaica were alluded to in support of the position of the speaker, and in remarking upon the freedom of the negro in the Northern States, he said: It is true that he is lord of himself and his heritage. But is it not a heritage of woe, excluded from all civil rights, with but few exceptions, and looked upon with contempt almost universal? His history is written upon the records of the jails and penitentiaries. Mr. Toombs contented that the South was right in the belief that the equality in the two races is impossible, and therefore restraint was necessary. The laws of the South gave to the slave great privileges. I do not pretend, said he, that all are granted that should be, but earnestly hope that soon all that are proper should be allowed to them. I say this in Boston-I will say it in Georgia. The most enthusiastic applause greeted this remark.
The conclusion of the address of Mr. Toombs was mainly a consideration of the condition of the South in a commercial point of view, and he drew a far more favorable picture of its condition than many who pretend that the peculiar institution of that section of the United States is dragging it down to destruction. The substance was, that they would be perfectly satisfied to be let alone, as far as that matter was concerned. At the conclusion of the lecture, three cheers-qualified of course-were given for the Senator; and as far as could be judged from the expressions heard in the crowd while leaving the hall, there was a general expression of approbation towards the lecturer-not of his opinions, but of his candor and bearing. The audience dispersed quietly, although one man sang out, before Mr. Toombs left the stand, "How long before Chas. Sumner can speak in Talahassee?" Another excited individual in the crowd, cried "Three cheers for Charles Sumner." But the response was like those demonstrations by the scholars at do-the-Boy-shall, on the return of Mr. Squeers-"Sighs with the chill on." A moment after we saw a rank Abolitionist lecturing the caller, telling him to treat a man decently when thus invited here to express his honest opinions. We noticed a large number of colored persons present, and their behavior was such as might have been well copied by one or two of another complexion, who were less interested in the subject under discussion.

Original Format

Newspaper article

Collection

Newspaper Abstracts

Citation

New York Herald, “Senator Toombs in Boston,” African American Experience in Athens, accessed June 10, 2023, https://digihum.libs.uga.edu/items/show/28.

Embed

Copy the code below into your web page

IIIF Manifest